HETEROSEXUAL AGGRESSORS VS. CHILDREN: EARLY LIFE
The aggressors vs. children are more likely than other sex offenders to be the youngest child in the family, their proportion considerably exceeding what one would expect. The average aggressor vs. children was reared with five siblings—a number exceeded by only four other types of offenders. The siblings were chiefly sisters: the aggressors vs. children were one of the four groups where the sex ratio favored sisters, who more often than not were older than the aggressor vs. children.
The members of this group got along with their fathers at ages fourteen to seventeen about as well as did most sex offenders. Their adjustment to their mothers, on the other hand, was unequivocally bad: they had the second worst maternal relationship of any group. Nevertheless, enough of them did get along well with their mothers so that when we asked, “With which parent did you get along better?” we found that the number who favored their mothers was essentially the same as the number who got along equally well with both parents. This tendency for the percentage preferring the mother to equal (in the aggressors vs. children) or surpass (as in the aggressors vs. minors and adults) the percentage professing impartiality is a poor omen, shared not only by all aggressors but also by the homosexual offenders, the exhibitionists, and the incest offenders vs. children.
The aggressors vs. children are also characterized by having come from broken homes: 64 per cent, the highest figure for any group and double that for the control group. Relative to other groups, there was a tendency for the breakup to have occurred rather early, when the average (median) boy was about six years old. Also he spent the fewest years in a home in which there was both a husband and wife, regardless of whether or not cither was his own parent. Partly in eon-sequence of this, the aggressors vs. children rank first in the number of years that they lived in a household in which all the adults were women.
While from the record of broken homes it is obvious that the original parents of the aggressor vs. children did not get along well with one another, the subsequent parent and stepparent combination was also deficient in this respect: while slightly over half got along well, one third got along poorly, ranking in the lower half of the scale of inter-parental adjustment when the subject was in his middle teens.
In summary, the early life of these aggressors presents a rather dismal picture: a large number of broken homes followed by protracted residence with the mother (or surrogate mother) with whom the subject got along very badly.
With the home an unhappy place, the future aggressor vs. children, it seems, turned his interests and emotions toward other children. He occupies first place among those who had many boy and girl companions at age ten to eleven, and last place among those lacking girl companions. Whereas almost one third of the control and prison groups had no girl playmates at this age, only about 12 per cent of the future aggressors vs. children were “girl-less,” and some 32 per cent (third rank) reported having had numerous female companions. The aggressor vs. children certainly suffered from no defects in his ability to get along successfully with his peers, even though his relations with his parents left much to be desired. This social success may correlate with the large number who not only had sisters but many sisters. In this connection it is noteworthy that almost 22 per cent of this group (nearly two times as great a proportion as of the next group) first saw postpubescent female genitalia by seeing a sister’s.
Their successful social life did not lead to an unusual amount of prepubertal sex play—the aggressors vs. children are average in this respect. This is a bit surprising for yet another reason: they had more time in which to have had sex play than did other groups, because 28 per cent of them did not reach puberty until they were fifteen or older. However, they were strikingly oriented toward the heterosexual: the percentage who had exclusively heterosexual play (32 per cent) almost equals the sum of those with homosexual play and both hetero- and homosexual play. This definite preference for the heterosexual is typical of all the heterosexual aggressors who rank second, third, and fourth in the list of those whose prepubertal play was exclusively heterosexual.
There seems nothing significant about the number of years that sex play continued, but an examination of the techniques used reveals an interesting fact. The heterosexual aggressors tend more than the other groups to have had coitus before puberty—between 69 and 73 per cent of those with heterosexual play had coitus. Only one group, the offenders vs. adults, exceeds the three heterosexual aggressor groups in this respect. The future aggressors vs. children also include the largest percentage who had mouth-genital contact prior to puberty, essentially double the percentage of the sex offenders as a whole and quadruple that of the control group. In brief, the aggressors vs. children who did have prepubertal sex play were not interested in childish exhibitions and manipulations; they engaged in techniques more characteristic of adults.
Half of the group, a relatively large number, had engaged in prepubertal self-masturbation. Only three groups exceed them.
Unfortunately for our analyses, too few aggressors vs. children had prepubertal sexual contact with adults to permit reasonably valid conclusions. Nevertheless, there is a suggestion that they may rate high in this respect and that a large proportion of the contact led to coitus. It is worth noting that 33 per cent (the second highest figure among the comparative groups) had seen adult female genitalia by age eleven.
While this group of sex offenders had the second highest percentage of individuals who had good health in childhood, they also had a relatively high percentage who had poor health; combined, this results in their having had only slightly better than average health.
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